Children and Youth Essay

The study of children and youth—or childhood studies—involves researchers from diverse disciplines who theorize and conduct research on children and adolescents. Woodhead (2004) aptly explains, Interest in Childhood Studies is for many born out of frustration with the narrow versions of the child offered by traditional academic discourses and methods of inquiry, especially a rejection of the ways psychology, sociology, and anthropology traditionally partition and objectify the child as subject to processes of development, socialization or acculturation. (P. x) sociologists use these four perspectives, childhood scholars trained in other disciplines also use these perspectives. I will then consider the usefulness of childhood studies as an interdisciplinary area of study and present a vision for the future of childhood studies within sociology. CONTRIBUTIONS OF DIFFERENT APPROACHES TO CHILDHOOD STUDIES Historical Approaches to Childhood Studies Historical research informs what the concept of childhood means. Arià ¨s ([1960] 1962) made the first argument that childhood is socially and historically constructed. He did not view it as a natural state defined by biology. By examining works of art dating back 1,000 years, he noted a difference in the rendering of children prior to the 1700s, wherein children were depicted as little adults and not as a distinctive group. In agreement with Arià ¨s, Demos (1970) put forth a similar argument using evidence gathered on the Puritans of the Plymouth Colony in the 1600s, noting that children were not considered a special group with shared needs or status. These researchers asserted that the shift from treating children as small adults to children as valuable individuals to be protected goes hand-in-hand with other societal shifts such as the spread of schooling and the decline of child mortality. While Arià ¨s’s hypothesis has been challenged and criticized by historical research and empirical evidence (see Gittins 2004; Nelson 1994), his ideas have inspired social scientists to study ordinary children, and many studies have been produced as a result. As a dialogue w ith the Since the late 1980s, sociologists have made sizable contributions to the study of children and youth, and the field of childhood studies has become recognized as a legitimate field of academic enquiry. Increasingly, childhood is used as a social position or a conceptual category to study. Like women’s studies, the study of children has emerged as an interdisciplinary field. Researchers of children from established disciplines, such as anthropology, education, history, psychology, and sociology, have found a meeting place in this emergent interdisciplinary field of childhood studies. In the following sections, I will first outline the relative contributions of different approaches to the field of childhood studies. Some approaches find a home within one discipline, while other approaches are used by more than one discipline. Specifically, I will examine approaches outside sociology, such as historical, developmental psychological, and children’s literature, and then I w ill discuss four perspectives used by sociologists, namely the cultural approach, the social structural approach, the demographic approach, and the general socialization approach. While 140 Bryant-45099 Part III.qxd 10/18/2006 7:43 PM Page 141 The Sociology of Children and Youth– †¢ –141 work of Arià ¨s, De Mause ([1976] 1995:4) developed a psychogenic theory of history, which asserted that parentchild relations have evolved to create greater intimacy and higher emotional satisfaction over time. De Mause explained that parent-child relations evolve in a linear fashion and that parent-child relationships change incrementally and, in turn, fuel further historical change. In response to this, Pollock (1983) dismisses the findings of researchers such as Arià ¨s, Demos, and De Mause, who assert the modern or incremental approach to childhood, arguing that â€Å"parents have always valued their children: we should not seize too eagerly upon theories of fundamental change in parental attitudes over time† (p. 17). While Pollock specifically counters the conclusions of Demos on children living in the 1700s in the Plymouth colony, his conclusions respond to all prior research positing that childhood is a modern concept. Historical research documents that the idea of c hildhood emanates from the middle class as members of the middle class first advanced laws to limit child labor and promoted education and protection of children (Kehily 2004). The shift of children from economic to emotional contributors of the family after the seventeenth century took place first among middle-class boys and later became the expectation for all children, regardless of social class or gender (Zelizer 1985). A good example of this middleclass perspective is illustrated in the writing of Mayhew, a social commentator from the nineteenth century (1861, in Kehily 2004), who writes about a disadvantaged eightyear-old street vendor from the working class who has â€Å"lost all childish ways† in the Watercress Girl in London Labour and the London Poor. While Mayhew calls attention to the plight of workingclass children in the mid-nineteenth century, other research (Steedman 1990; Gittins 1988) indicates that it is not until the early twentieth century that the childhood concept is redefined for working-class children in the United Kingdom. Child poverty and ill health were viewed as social problems and resulted in a shift away from economic to increased emotional value of children and altered expectations that children should be protected and educated (Cunningham 1991). The idea of lost or stolen childhood continues to be prominent in popular discussions of childhood (Kehily 2004:3). With this, historical approaches offer a great deal to the field of childhood studies because they allow us to view the concept of childhood as malleable. The childhood concept does not have the same meaning today as it did 300 years ago in a given culture, and it does not have the same meaning from culture to culture or even across social classes during a historical moment. Most historical research focuses on Western forms of childhood, yet these constructs may be useful for understanding certain aspects of childhood in non-Western contexts, especially when similar socioeconomic factors, such as industrialization, and a shift from an agrarian to a cash economy, may frame conditions. Ideas about how childhood is bound by culture, political economy, and epoch continue to be played out today in many non-Western contexts. For example, Hollos (2002) found that a new partnership family type emerged alongside the lineage-based system as a small Tanzanian community underwent a shift from subsistence agriculture with hoe cultivation to wage labor. These family types exhibited two distinct parental perspectives on what childhood should be and how children should spend their time. Partnership families emerging with a cash economy tend to view their children as a means of enjoyment and pleasure, whereas lineage-based families typically see their children as necessary for labor needs in the near term and as investments and old-age insurance in the long term. In this way, historical perspectives have the potential to inform contemporary cultural and social constructive theories on children and childhood studies. The next step is to move beyond Arià ¨s and the dialogue he cre ated to address the persistence of current social issues that involve children such as child poverty, child labor, and disparities across childhoods worldwide (see Cunningham 1991). Developmental Psychological Approaches to Childhood Studies Sully’s Studies of Childhood (Sully [1895] 2000, quoted in Woodhead 2003) notes, â€Å"We now speak of the beginning of a careful and methodological investigation of child nature.† By the early twentieth century, developmental psychology became the dominant paradigm for studying children (Woodhead 2003). Developmental psychology has studied and marked the stages and transitions of Western childhood. Piaget’s (1926) model of developmental stages stands as the foundation. Within the developmental psychology framework, children are adults in training and their age is linked to physical and cognitive developments. Children travel a developmental path taking them in due time to a state of being adult members of the society in which they live (Kehily 2004). Children are therefore viewed as learners with potential at a certain position or stage in a journey to child to an adult status (Verhellen 1997; Walkerdine 2004). Social and cultural researchers have critiqued the developmental psychological approach, largely faulting its treatment of children as potential subjects who can only be understood along the child-to-adult continuum (Buckingham 2000; Castenada 2002; James and Prout [1990] 1997; Jenks 2004; Lee 2001; Stainton Rogers et al. 1991). Qvortrup (1994) notes that developmental psychology frames children as human becomings rather than human beings. Adding to this, Walkerdine (2004) suggests that while psychology is useful in understanding children, this usefulness may be bound to Western democratic societies at a specific historical moment. Still, Lee (2001) cautions that we should not give developmental psychology a wholesale toss, noting, â€Å"What could growing up mean once we have distanced ourselves Bryant-45099 Part III.qxd 10/18/2006 7:43 PM Page 142 142– †¢ –THE SOCIOLOGY OF THE LIFE COURSE from the dominant frameworks’ account of socialization and development?† (p. 54). Likewise, Kehily (2004) notes that considering differences between sociology and developmental psychology is useful, yet it is also useful to consider what is shared or complementary across the two. Developmental psychologists have not reached consensus on the relative importance of physical, psychological, social, and cultural factors in shaping children’s development (Boocock and Scott 2005). Gittins (1988:22) urges social scientists studying children to bear in mind the nature versus nurture debate. Bruner (2000) explains that both biological and social factors are important because babies are born with start-up knowledge, which they then add and amend with life experiences. Concurring with this approach, Chomsky (1996) explains that a child’s biological makeup is â€Å"awakened by experience† and â€Å"sharpened and enriched† through interactions with other h umans and objects. Walkerdine (2004) considers developmental psychology as limited because of its deterministic trajectory and sociology as limited because of its omission of psychological factors alongside sociological or cultural factors. Walkerdine (2004) points to several developmental psychological approaches to consider the social production of children as subjects, namely situated learning (Cole and Scribner 1990; Haraway 1991), acquiring knowledge through practice or apprenticeship (Lave and Wenger 1991), actor network theory (Law and Moser 2002), and the idea of assemblages as children learn to fill a child role in society (Deleuze and Guattari 1988). These approaches allow the researcher to include children’s internal and external learning practices and processes. As such, developmental psychology can continue to contribute to childhood studies. In the 1990s, sociologists helped cull and identify useful concepts and tools for childhood studies by criticizing develop mental psychology. As the field of childhood studies continues to grow into a defined and recognized discipline, useful tools and concepts from developmental psychology should be included. Likewise, Woodhead (2003) asserts that several concepts and tools from developmental psychology— notably scaffolding, zone of proximal development, guided participation, cultural tools, communities of practice—are also relevant for childhood studies (see Lave and Wenger 1991; Mercer 1995; Rogoff 1990; Wood 1988). Psychologists’ concern with the individual child can complement sociological research that considers children as they interact within their environment. worlds are created. Hunt (2004) notes that children’s literature may be unreliable for understanding childhood because children’s books typically reflect the aspirations of adults for children of a particular epoch. Hunt (2004) holds however that children’s literature remains a meeting place for adults and children where different visions of childhood can be entertained and negotiated. In agreement with historical research on the concept of childhood, children’s books were first produced for middle-class children and had moralizing purposes. Later, children’s books were produced for all children, filled with middleclass values to be spread to all. There is agreement and disagreement on the definition of childhood when examining the children’s literature of different time periods and different cultures. For example, several books of the 1950s and 1960s—including The Borrowers, Tom’s Midnight Garden, and The Wolves of Willoughby C hase—depicted adults looking back while children are looking forward (Hunt 2004). Likewise, Spufford (2002:18) notes that the 1960s and 1970s produced a second golden age of children’s literature that presented a coherent, agreed-on idea of childhood. Furthermore, an examination of children’s literature indicates different childhoods were being offered to children in the United States and Britain during the nineteenth century. British children were depicted as being restrained, while American children were described as independent and having boundless opportunity (Hunt 2004). In this way, culture and children’s material world coalesce to offer very different outlooks on life to children. The goal of books may change, from moralizing to idealistic, yet across epochs and cultures they teach children acceptable roles, rules, and expectations. Children’s literature is a powerful platform of interaction wherein children and adults can come together to d iscuss and negotiate childhood. Cultural and Social Construction Approaches to Childhood Studies Anthropological cultural studies have laid important groundwork for research on children, and sociologists have extended these initial boundaries to develop a social construction of childhood. Anthropological research (Opie and Opie 1969) first noted that children should be recognized as an autonomous community free of adult concerns and filled with its own stories, rules, rituals, and social norms. Sociologists then have used the social construction approach, which draws on social interaction theory, to include children’s agency and daily activities to interpret children’s lives (see James and Prout [1990] 1997; Jenks 2004; Maybin and Woodhead 2003; Qvortrup 1993; Stainton Rogers et al. 1991; Woodhead 1999). Childhood is viewed as a social phenomenon (Qvortrup 1994). With this perspective, meaning is interpreted through the experiences of children and the networks within which Children’s Literature as an Approach to Childhood Studies Childhood as a separate stage of life is portrayed in children’s books, and the medium of books represents a substantial part of the material culture of childhood. Books may be viewed as a window onto children’s lives and a useful tool for comprehending how and why children’s Bryant-45099 Part III.qxd 10/18/2006 7:43 PM Page 143 The Sociology of Children and Youth– †¢ –143 they are embedded (Corsaro 1988). Researchers generally use ethnographic methods to attain reflexivity and include children’s voices. In this section, I will first discuss the social constructivist approach of childhood research in two areas, children’s lives within institutional settings such as day care centers and schools, and children’s worlds as they are constructed through material culture. Evidence suggests that young children actively add meaning and create peer cultures within institutional settings. For example, observations of toddler peer groups show preferences for sex emerge by two years of age and race can be distinguished by three years of age (Thompson, Grace, and Cohen 2001; Van Ausdale and Feagin 2001). Research also indicates that play builds on itself and across playgroups or peer groups. Even when the composition of children’s groups changes, children develop rules and rituals that regulate the continuation of the play activity as well as who may join an existing group. Knowledge is sustained within the peer group even when there is fluctuation. School-based studies (see Adler and Adler 1988; Corsaro 1988; Hardman 1973; LaReau 2002; Thorne 1993; Van Ausdale and Feagan) have added a great deal to our understandings of childh ood. Stephens (1995) examined pictures drawn by Sami School children of Norway to learn how the 1986 Chernobyl nuclear disaster and its nuclear fallout affected their lives. The children expressed themselves through their drawings to show how the depleted environment affected their health, diet, work, daily routines, and cultural identity. Van Ausdale and Feagan (2001) explain how racism is created among preschool children’s play patterns and speak. They find that children experiment and learn from one another how to identify with their race and learn the privileges and behaviors of their race in comparison with other races. Using participant observation of children in a primary school setting, Hardman (1973) advanced the idea that children should be studied in their own right and treated as having agency. She found that children represent one level of a society’s beliefs, values, and social interactions. The children’s level interacts as muted voices with other levels of society’s beliefs, values, and social interactions, shaping them and being shaped by them (Hardman 1973). Corsaro (1988) used participant observations of chi ldren at play in a nursery school setting to augment Hardman’s idea of a children’s level. He observed and described children as active makers of meaning through social interaction. Likewise, Corsaro and Eder (1990) conceptualize children as observing the adult world but using elements of it to create a unique child culture. A few studies (see Peer Power by Adler and Adler 1988 and Gender Play by Thorne 1993) show how the cultural world of children creates a stratification structure similar to that of the adult world in a way that makes sense for children. Thorne’s (1993) study of children’s culture is set in an elementary school setting, wherein children have little say in making the rules and structure. Still, she finds children create meaning through playground games that use pollution rituals to reconstruct larger social patterns of inequality as they occur through gender, social class, and race (Thorne 1993:75). Similarly, other studies show how behaviors within peer cultures—such as racism, masculinity, or sexism (see Frosh, Phoenix, and Pattman 2002; Hey 1997; James, Jenks, and Prout 1998) and physical and emotional abuse (Ambert 1995)—are taught and negotiated within children’s peer groups. In addition, childhood can be interpreted through the material makeup of children’s worlds, generally taking the form of toys (see Lamb 2001; Reynolds 1989; Zelizer 2002). Zelizer (2002) argues that children are producers, consumers, and distributors. Lamb (2001) explains that children use Barbie dolls to share and communicate sexual knowledge within a peer group producing a secretive child culture. Cook (2004) contends that the concept of child has been constructed through the m arket. Through a social history of the children’s clothing industry, Cook explains how childhood became associated with commodities. He contends that childhood began to be commodified with the publication of the first children’s clothing trade journal in 1917. By the early 1960s, the child had become a legitimate consumer with its own needs and motivations. The consuming child has over time been provided a separate children’s clothing department stratified by age and gender. As in Cook’s thesis, others (e.g., Buckingham 2004; Jing 2000; Postman 1982) provide evidence to add support to the idea that children’s consumption defines childhood. Jing (2000) explains how the marketing of snack foods and fast foods to children has dramatically affected childhood in China. Likewise, television (Postman 1982) and computers (Buckingham 2004) reshape what we think of as childhood. Children are argued to have a reversed power relationship with adults in terms o f computers because children are more comfortable with this technology (Tapscott 1998). In addition, access to the Internet has created a new space for peer culture that is quite separate from adults. Through chat rooms and e-mail, children can communicate and share information among peers without face-to-face interaction. As a result, the stage on which children’s culture is created is altered. Social Structural Approaches to Childhood Studies Social structural approaches to childhood studies can be divided into two areas, those that distinguish children’s experience by age status and those that distinguish children’s experience by generational status. Because age is the primary criterion for defining childhood, sociologists who study children have found aging and life course theories that focus on generation to be useful. Thorne (1993) argues for the use of age and gender constructs in understanding children’s lives as well as considering Bryant-45099 Part III.qxd 10/18/2006 7:43 PM Page 144 144– †¢ –THE SOCIOLOGY OF THE LIFE COURSE children as social agents. Therefore, it is how children actively construct their worlds as a response to the constraints of age and gender. Passuth (1987) asserts that age is the salient factor for understanding childhood based on her study of how children 5 to 10 years old define themselves as little and big kids in a summer camp setting. Passuth found that age was more important than other stratification markers such as race, social class, and gender. Likewise, Bass (2004) finds that children are active agents but also that age should be considered first as it may structure the opportunities open to children who work in an open market in sub-Saharan Africa; however, other secondary factors such as economic status and gender also structure the life chances of these children. Studies based on children in the United States suggest that age should be considered along with race, gender, and social class to explain how children negotiate power and prestige within their peer groups (Goodwin 1990; Scott 2002). For other sociologists, generation provides the most useful concept to explain the lives of children (Mayall 2000:120). Other researchers (Alanen 2001; Qvortrup 2000) assert that generational relationships are more meaningful than analyses focusing on gender, social class, or ethnicity. While the concept of childhood is not universal, the dichotomy of adult and child is universal and differentiated by age status. This age status patterns differential power relations wherein adults have more power than children and adults typically regulate children’s lives. Childhood is produced as a response to the power of adults over children even when children are viewed as actively shaping their childhoods (Walkerdine 2004). Adults write children’s books, create children’s toys and activities, and often speak on behalf of children (e.g., the law). In this way, the generational divide and unequal authority between adults and children define childhood. Mayall (2002) uses the generational approach to explain how children contribute to social interaction through their position in the larger social order, wherein they hold a child status. The perspective of children remains meaningful even through the disadvantaged power relationship they hold vis-à  -vis adults in the larger social order. It can therefore become a balancing act between considering structural factors or the agency of children in understanding childhood. The life course perspective holds that individuals of each generation will experience life in a unique way because these individuals share a particular epoch, political economy, and sociocultural context. Foner (1978) explains, â€Å"Each cohort bears the stamp of the historical context through which it flows [so that] no two cohorts age in exactly the same way† (p. 343). For example, those who entered adulthood during the Depression have different work, educational, and family experiences compared with individuals who entered adulthood during the affluent 1950s. Those of each cohort face the same larger social and political milieu and therefore may develop similar attitudes. The social structural child posits that childhood may be identified structurally by societal factors that are larger than age status but help create age status in a childhood process (Qvortrup 1994). Children can be treated by researchers as having the same standing as adult research subjects but also may be handled differently based on features of the social structure. The resulting social structural child has a set of u niversal traits that are related to the institutional structure of societies (Qvortrup 1993). Changes in social norms or values regarding children are tied to universal traits as well as related to the social institutions within a particular society. Demographic Approaches to Childhood Studies Much of American sociology takes a top-down approach to the study of children and views children as being interlinked with the larger family structure. It is in this vein that family instability leading to divorce, family poverty, and family employment may affect children’s experiences. For example, Hernandez (1993) examines the American family using U.S. Census data from the twentieth century and notes a series of revolutions in the family—such as in decreased family size and the emergence of the two-earner family—that in turn affected children’s well-being and childhood experiences. Children from smaller families and higher incomes typically attain more education and take higher-paid employment. Hernandez (1993) contends that mothers’ increased participation in work outside the home led to a labor force revolution, which in turn initiated a child care revolution, as the proportion of preschoolers with two working parents increased from 13 percent in 1940 to 50 percent in 1987. More recent data indicate that about 70 percent of the mothers of preschoolers work outside the home (U.S. Bureau of the Census 2002). This child care revolution changes the structure of childhood for most American children. Time diary data indicate that the amount of children’s household chores increased from 1981 to 1997 (Hofferth and Sandberg 2001). Lee, Schneider, and Waite (2003) further note that when mothers work in the United States, children do more than their fathers to make up for the household labor gap caused when mothers work. Hence, expectations for children and childhood are altered because of a larger family framework of considerations and expectations. Family life structures children’s well-being. When marriages break up, there are real consequences in terms of transitions and loss of income that children experience. The structural effects on children of living in smaller, more diverse, and less stable families are still being investigated. Moore, Jeki elek, and Emig (2002) assert that family structure does matter in children’s lives and that children fare better in families headed by two biological, married parents in a low-conflict marriage. Some research indicates that financial support from fathers after a divorce is low (Crowell and Leaper 1994). Coontz (1997) maintains that divorce and single parenthood generally exacerbate preexisting financial uncertainty. These impoverished conditions may diminish children’s physical and emotional Bryant-45099 Part III.qxd 10/18/2006 7:43 PM Page 145 The Sociology of Children and Youth– †¢ –145 development and adversely affect school performance and social behaviors. However, this is not in all cases. Research (Cherlin et al. 1991) shows that children of separated or divorced families have usually experienced parental conflict and behavioral and educational problems before the family broke up. Hernandez (1993) suggests that the parental conflict and not the divorce or separation may provide more insight into children’s disadvantages. Hetherington and Kelly (2002) found that about three-fourths of children whose parents divorced adjusted within six years and ranked the same on behavioral and educational outcomes as children from intact families. Another study (Smart, Neale, and Wade 2001) finds positive attributes of children of divorce as children reported that they were more independent than friends who had not experienced divorce. The demographic study of children has taken place predominantly from the policy or public family vantage point with the assumption that there are consequences for children. Childhoods are typically framed with a perspective that views children’s worlds as being derivative of larger social forces and structures. Very little agency is noted or measured in these studies. While the demographic approach does not offer detailed explanation like research put forth by social constructivist childhood scholars (see James and Prout 1990), this approach provides a valuable perspective for framing and interpreting children’s lives. Socialization Approaches to Childhood Studies Research indicates that socialization may affect both children and parents. Developmental psychology allows us to consider how children are affected by the socialization provided by parents, and more recent research put forth by psychologists and sociologists suggests that this exchange of information may be a two-way process. LaReau (2002) puts forth a more traditional model of socialization as she details how American families of different races and classes provide different childhoods for their children. In her research, the focus is on how children and parents actively construct childhood even as they are possibly constrained by race and class. She found evidence for two types of child rearing, concerted cultivation among middle- and upper-middle-class children, and the emergence of natural growth among working- and lower-class children. LaReau’s study describes the process that puts lower- and higher-class children on different roads in childhood that translate into vastl y different opportunities in adulthood. Rossi and Rossi (1990) studied parent-child relationships across the life course and found that parents shape their children as well as their grandchildren through parenting styles, shared genes, social status, and belief systems. Alwin (2001) asserts that while rearing children is both a public and private matter, the daily teaching of children the rules and roles in society largely falls to parents. Furthermore, Alwin (2001) explains how American parental expectations for their children have changed over the last half-century, noting an increased emphasis on self-discipline through children’s activities that help develop autonomy and self-reliance. Zinnecker (2001) notes a parallel trend in Europe toward individualism and negotiation, and away from coercion in parenting styles. In contrast, Ambert’s (1992) The Effect of Children on Parents questions the assumptions of the socialization perspective and posits that socialization is a two-way process. Ambert argues that having children can influence one’s health, income, career opportunities, values and attitudes, feelings of control, life plans, and the quality of interpersonal relations. She questions the causality of certain problematic children’s behaviors, such as clinginess among some young children or frequent crying among premature babies. Ambert contends that children’s behavior socializes parents in a patterned way, which agrees with the sentiment of de Winter (1997) regarding autistic children and that Skolnick (1978) regarding harsh child-rearing methods. Likewise, psychologist Harris (1998) argues that the parental nurture or socialization fails to ground the direction of causation with empirical data. She explains that parenting styles are the effect of a child’s temperament and that parents’ socialization has little influence compared with other influences such as heredity and children’s peer groups. Harris’s approach, known as group socialization theory, posits that after controlling for differences in heredity, little variance can be explained by children’s socialization in the home environment. Harris provides evidence that most children develop one behavioral system that they use at home and a different behavioral system for use elsewhere by middle childhood. Group socialization theory can then explain why immigrant children learn one language in the home and another language outside the home, and their native language is the one they speak with their peers (Harris 1998). Likewise, other studies (Galinski 1999; Smart et al. 2001) find evidence that children play a supportive role and nurture their parents. In a parallel but opposing direction, other studies suggest that having children negatively affects parents’ lifestyles and standards of living (Boocock 1976) and disproportionately and negatively affects women’s career and income potentials (Cri ttenden 2001). Indeed, research indicates that socialization may affect both children and parents. While most research concentrates on the socialization of children by parents and societal institutions, more research should focus on the socialization of parents. In this way, children may be viewed as affecting the worlds of their parents, which in turn may affect children. Interdisciplinary Involvement and Implications Childhood research benefits from the involvement of a diverse range of disciplines. On the surface these approaches appear to have disagreement in terms of methods and theoretical underpinnings, yet these approaches challenge more traditional disciplines such as sociology, psychology, and anthropology to consider what best interprets children’s lives. In some cases, the interaction across Bryant-45099 Part III.qxd 10/18/2006 7:43 PM Page 146 146– †¢ –THE SOCIOLOGY OF THE LIFE COURSE disciplines creates new approaches, such as those of sociologists who use general socialization theory from developmental psychology. Similarly, historical research on the value of children being tied to a certain epoch with a specific level of political economy can inform the valuation of children and their labor in poorer countries around the globe today. There is a need for continued interdisciplinary collaboration, and thought is being given to how children and childhood studies could emerge as a recognized interdisciplinary field of inquiry. Woodhead (2003) offers three models for interdisciplinary effort for advancing the study of children and childhoods: (1) a clearinghouse model, (2) a pick ‘n’ mix model, and (3) a rebranding model. The clearinghouse model (Woodhead 2003) would include all studies of children and childhood, all research questions and methodologies, and all disciplines that are interested. This clearinghouse model would view different approaches t o the study of children for their complementary value and would encourage researchers to ask â€Å"different but equally valid questions† (James et al. 1998:188). The pick ‘n’ mix model (Woodhead 2003) envisions that an array of child-centered approaches would be selectively included in the study of children. If this were to happen, the process of selection could complicate and hamper the field of childhood studies in general. Fences may be useful in terms of demarcating the path for childhood scholars but also may obstruct the vista on the other side. The rebranding model (Woodhead 2003) would involve researchers collaborating across disciplines on research involving children while informing and remaining housed within more traditional disciplines such as sociology, anthropology, and psychology. In this scenario, children and childhood scholars remain within sociology while also being committed to interdisciplinary involvement. This scenario has served to strengthen sociological research in general. For example, James and Prout (1990) coined the term sociological study of childhood, and later James et al. (1998) developed the con cept of sociological child. More recently, Mayall (2002) has suggested the use of the term sociology of childhood to move children and childhood studies to a more central place within sociology. In turn, this strengthens children and childhood studies across disciplines by forging a place for children in the traditional discipline. The field of interdisciplinary childhood studies has the potential to widen its reach by creating constituencies across older disciplines. Additionally, childhood studies can learn from the development experience of other interdisciplinary fields such as women’s studies or gerontology. Oakley (1994:13) asserts the shared concerns across the academic study of women and children because women and children are socially linked and represent social minority groups. In a similar vein, Bluebond-Langner (2000) notes a parallel in scholarly potential for childhood studies of the magnitude of women’s studies, predicting that childhood studies will aff ect the twenty-first century in much the same way as women’s studies has the twentieth century. Weighing the contributions across disciplines, it is clear that developmental psychology has laid the groundwork for the field of childhood studies, yet the resulting conversation across scholars and disciplines has produced a field that is much greater than the contributions of any one contributing discipline. Therefore, childhood scholars have much to gain through conversation and collaboration. CONSIDERING SOCIOLOGY AND CHILDHOOD STUDIES Within sociology, scholars approach the study of children in many ways. Some sociologists take a strict social constructivist approach, while others meld this approach to a prism that considers social structures that are imposed on children. Some sociologists focus on demographic change, while others continue to focus on aspects of socialization as childhoods are constructed through forces such as consumer goods, child labor, children’s rights, and public policy. All these scholars add to the research vitality and breadth of childhood studies. In addition, children and childhood studies research centers, degree programs, and courses began to be established in the 1990s, most of which have benefited from the contributions of sociologists and the theories and methods of sociology. Childhood studies gained firm ground in 1992 in the United States when members of the American Sociological Association (ASA) formed the Section on the Sociology of Children. Later, the section name wa s changed to the Section on the Sociology of Children and Youth to promote inclusiveness with scholars who research the lives of adolescents. In addition to including adolescents, American sociologists are also explicitly open to all methods and theories that focus on children. The agenda of the Children and Youth Section has been furthered by its members’ initiation and continued publication of the annual volume Sociological Studies of Children since 1986. In agreement with the ASA section name addition, the volume recently augmented the volume name with and Youth and became formalized as the annual volume of ASA Children and Youth Section. The volume was initially developed and edited by Patricia and Peter Adler and later edited by Nancy Mandell, David Kinney, and Katherine Brown Rosier. Outside the United States, the study of children by sociologists has gained considerable ground through the International Sociological Association Research Group 53 on Childhood, which was established in 1994. Two successful international journals, Childhood and Children and Society, promote scholarly research on children from many disciplines and approaches. In particular, British childhood researchers have brought considerable steam to the development of childhood studies through curriculum development. Specifically, childhood researchers wrote four introductory textbooks published by Wiley for a target Bryant-45099 Part III.qxd 10/18/2006 7:43 PM Page 147 The Sociology of Children and Youth– †¢ –147 class on childhood offered by the Open University in 2003. The books are Understanding Childhood by Woodhead and Montgomery (2003), Childhoods in Context by Maybin and Woodhead (2003), Children’s Cultural Worlds by Kehily and Swann (2003), and Changing Childhoods by Montgomery, Burr, and Woodhead (2003). The relationship between the discipline of sociology and childhood studies appears to be symbiotic. Even as sociologists assert that the study of children is its own field, this does not preclude the development of childhood studies across disciplinary boundaries. Sociologists capture the social position or status of children and have the methods for examining how childhood is socially constructed or situated within a given society. Sociologists can also continue to find common ground with other childhood scholars from other disciplines to develop better methods and refine theories that explain children’s lives. Advances in the interdisciplinary field of childhood studi es serves to strengthen the research of sociologists who focus their work on children. Likewise, sociological challenges to the interdisciplinary field of childhood studies since the 1990s have provided useful points of critique and improvement to the study of children’s behavior and children’s lives. CURRENT AND FUTURE RESEARCH: SOCIAL POLICY AND CHILDREN’S RIGHTS Current and future research on children falls into two main areas, social policy and children’s rights. Arguably, there is some overlap between these two large themes. Indeed, Stainton Rogers (2004) maintains that social policy is motivated by a concern for children, yet children have very little to no political or legal voice. Children do not vote or decide what is in their best interests or what children’s rights are. Social policy requires us to consider the intersection of children as dependents or not yet adults and children as having certain rights. It has previously been noted that children are citizens and should be treated as citizens but with their own concerns (James and Prout 1997), yet there is still much to be clarified. Public policy can be used to improve the lives of children. Research has established that poverty matters in the lives of children, as measured in child well-being indicators, and public policies have been enacted to help families rise out of poverty (Hernandez 1993). Research on the impact of increased income after a casino opened on a Cherokee reservation indicates that Native-American children who were raised out of poverty had a decreased incidence of behavior disorders (Costello et al. 2003). At other times, public policies affect children as a byproduct or consequence. One example is the 1996 Welfare Reform Law (or PRWORA), which made work mandatory for able-bodied, American adults and put time limits of five years and a day on receiving public assistance. Still, much is to be learned as to the effect, if any, of this legislation on children (Bass and Mosley 2001; Casper and Bianchi 2002). In addition to income, public policy shapes the experience of family life by recognizing some forms while ignoring others. A substantial number of children will experience many family structures and environments as they pass through childhood, regardless of whether the government legitimates all these forms (Clarke 1996). Likewise, examining children’s experiences in various family forms is a useful area of current and future study. Children’s rights can be examined in terms of protecting children from an adult vantage point or in terms of providing children civil rights (or having a legal voice). The view of protecting children is a top-down approach positing that children are immature, and so legal protections should be accorded to keep children safe from harm and abuse and offer children a basic level of developmental opportunities. In contrast, the civil rights approach asserts that children have the right to participate fully in decisions that may affect them and should be allowed the same freedoms of other citizens (Landsdown 1994; Saporiti et al. 2005). In addition, the framing of children’s rights takes different forms in richer and poorer countries around the globe. For richer countries, granting children rights may involve allowing children civil and political voice, whereas in poorer countries, basic human rights bear out as more important. Child labor is an issue that has been examined in terms of the right of children to learn and be developed and the right of children to provide for oneself (see Bass 2004; Neiwenhuys 1994; Zelizer 1985). Future studies wil l also need to consider the relationship between children’s rights as children become study subjects. Innovative approaches are being used to include children’s voices and input in the research process (Leonard 2005), yet there is still much to be done in this area in terms of developing methodologies that allow children to participate in the research process. Indeed, incorporating children in the research process is a next logical step for childhood studies. However, childhood scholars are adults and therefore not on an equal footing with children (Fine and Sandstrom 1988). Furthermore, there is momentum to include children’s perspectives in the research process at the same time that there is a growing concern for children’s well-being, which may be adversely affected by their participation as subjects in the research process. Future research on children should focus on the children’s issues through social policies yet also consider childrenâ€⠄¢s rights in tandem or as follow-up studies. It is generally the matter of course to take children or youth as a definitive given and then seek to solve their problems or create policies for them. Future research should focus on practical children’s issues and use empirical research projects to increase our knowledge of the nature of childhood. The last 15 years provide evidence to support the idea that childhood researchers should continue to bridge disciplines and even continents to find common ground.

Muriel Spark’s “The Prime of Miss Jean Brodie”

The film and novel pairing I have chosen is Muriel Spark's ‘The Prime of Miss Jean Brodie'. I have chosen this because of the large number of references made in the text that can be compared to occurrences that were happening in that period, and that have happened in Sparks own life. Spark was born in Edinburgh in 1918. She was educated at ‘James Gillespie's Girls School', which was in Edinburgh also. After finishing school, she left Edinburgh and moved to Africa where she met her husband. Spark then moved back to England, after divorcing her husband Oswald. Shortly after the war she became involved in the literary circles of London. She was then kicked out because she was described as â€Å"too adventurous†. She was interested in poetry and in 1952 her first book, a book of poetry, was published. Then, in 1961, ‘The Prime of Miss Jean Brodie' was published. In the novel ‘The Prime of Miss Jean Brodie' the plot involves a young, slightly eccentric in her thinking, complex schoolteacher at an Edinburgh girls' school, ‘Marcia Blaine'. The text is set between the periods of World War I and World War II. Brodie's teaching methods include giving ‘her girls' self-indulgent lessons on ‘life'. These lessons involve teaching about love, art and politics. Her aim is to produce a generation of ‘Jean Brodies' who experiment with sex and society. This can be reinforced by Brodie's quotation † Give me a girl at an impressionable age and she will be mine for life.† But, as the plot thickens we see Jean Brodie becoming romantically involved with two of the male teachers. With bemused horror she finds herself fighting to keep her job, or otherwise face destruction (this can be related to Muriel Spark getting kicked out of the London Literary Circles). Brodie believes that she can always count on her ‘favourite pupils' for support, but as the girls are no longer swayed by Jean Brodie, she begins to learn about love and life herself. The reason I chose this ‘pairing' in conjunction with the question is that within this novel I can see an exceptional amount of comparisons and issues referring to the period in question outside of the book, and to occurrences within Muriel Spark's life. For example, the novel is set in the 1930's. This was a patriarchal period where men dominated. Also many men had died in the war, so there was less choice and the men were more sort after. But, it is not obvious that men dominated in this period because the text is written from a women's point of view; a spinster at that. But we can see a high interest in the infamous male ‘art teacher' who both Sandy and Brodie lust after. There were images of fascism within this period of time too, with the rise of world leaders such as Benito Mussolini. We see this in the book as it reflects post-war life and brings up political issues. It also warns about the dangers of fascism. Fascism is defined as â€Å"a tendency toward strong autocratic or dictatorial control †¦ by forcible suppression of opposition.† In the novel we see Jean Brodie almost taking on a fascistic role and fascist ideology by dictating to her girls her opinions on life and what she thinks is right and wrong. † She is the absolute creed of right and wrong † She expects them to take on board the ‘Brodie ideology'. And comparable to individuals conforming to their leader in a fascist environment, in the beginning we see the girls practising all that Brodie preaches. Also, the girls have an unquestionable loyalty to Brodie, as do individuals to their leaders in their own fascist, tyrannical societies. Within her favourite pupil sect we see her searching for her â€Å"crà ¯Ã‚ ¿Ã‚ ½me de la crà ¯Ã‚ ¿Ã‚ ½me† in a way which fascist leaders searched for their strong, pure race e.g. Adolph Hitler searched for his pure Aryan supremacy, and stopped at nothing to achieve it. She aspired to be seen as a leader, and this can be backed up by the showing of the Mussolini screen showing to her pupils in the classroom. However, this only occurred in the video of ‘The Prime of Miss Jean Brodie' and not the actual text in novel form. So, in relation to themes of the period, I think fascism is a very good example because we see the rise of many fascist leaders post World War I and pre World War II, which was when it was set. Also, we see Jean Brodie fall from power, like many of the fascist leaders did. This suggests that the author, Spark, is against fascism. She portrays the fascist ideology as not ending happily. It is hardly surprising that she takes this point of view because Muriel Sparks father was a Jewish engineer during World War II, when Hitler was in control, and Hitler was an anti-Semitist. Muriel Spark's resentment for fascist leaders is shown in the character of Brodie. She rises and she falls. Also in the text, we see her as having a very middle class attitude. Referring to the period in which the novel was set I can see a strong relationship between her attitude and the attitude of those within the ‘Bloomsbury Set'.The Bloomsbury Set was the name given to a literary group that made the Bloomsbury area of London their centre of activities from 1904 to World War II. If we consider the actual names firstly, we see very strong similarities to the name of ‘The Bloomsbury Set' and ‘The Brodie Set' which is our first clue. One of the main members was a woman can Virginia Stephen Woolf who was interested in defining qualities specific to the female mind, a bit like Brodie. Woolf was also interested in things of the natural world, such as rocks and plants, because of their solitude and self-sufficiency; we see that Miss Jean Brodie possesses both characteristics. They were known as a social clique. There were a few Cambridge graduates and they would assemble on a weeknight for drinks and conversation. Members were committed to a rejection of taboos of Victorianism on religious, artistic, social and sexual matters. They remained a tight knit group for many years. The group were involved in many tangled relationships within the set. By the 1920s their reputation as a cultural circle was established. Their mannerisms were parodied and ‘Bloomsbury' became a connotation for snobbish, snotty, inward-looking or narrow-minded behaviour. The group were of high popular interest amongst scholars. Like those of the Bloomsbury set, Brodie as a character has the notion that she is better than everybody else. This is typical of ‘her class'. This is typical English middle class philosophy. It seems like Spark is poking fun at this attitude. It is like Spark uses Jean Brodie as a metaphor for the English middle class society with her snobbish aestheticism and her tight knit group (her favourite pupils) as her main characteristics. Spark is poking fun at this. Also, a major contributory clue to this theory is that Spark was a secretary to a poetry society within the London Literary Circles and was kicked out for being â€Å"too adventurous†. Her view of the middle class ideology, the ‘Bloomsbury Set', and alike is expressed in her text and the views themselves act like revenge against those of that class. In relation to Spark herself we see many similarities between the novel ‘The Prime of Miss Jean Brodie' and Muriel Spark's own life. Muriel Spark attended a school for girls just like the girls attending ‘Marcia Blaine School'. Spark describes her days at her school happy as do the Brodie Set, † The first years with Miss Brodie, sitting, listening to all those stories and opinions which had nothing to do with the ordinary world, had been the happiest time of her life†¦Ã¢â‚¬  (Pg 15) . Muriel Spark, like Brodie, had a great love for the arts. â€Å"Art and religion first; then philosophy; lastly science. That is the order of the great subjects of life, that is their order of importance.†(Pg 25) In the Prime of Miss Jean Brodie, Spark models Brodie on one of her ex-teachers, Miss Kay. Miss Kay loved the arts, and she too admired Mussolini and hung a picture of him on her wall. Miss Kay like Miss Brodie would describe her exotic travels to her class. Also many of the extra-curricular activities that we see Miss Brodie doing with her set were also done with Miss Kay's students and used in the book. Miss Kay took the girls to the theatre and concerts. Miss Kay, like Brodie, feared that the pupils were not receiving enough of a cultured background from their parents. Both Kay and Brodie wanted a hold over the pupils. It is interesting to see also that a ‘Miss Brodie' used to read to Spark as a young child. Another striking similarity to actual event and fictitious plot is that Spark had a young friend who died quite suddenly and tragically, much like the death of Mary in the book. Muriel Spark has successfully blended in facts from the time the novel is set and facts and experiences from her own life into a very creative and expressive novel. She is clever in the way she has made them all blend together and we get an insight into the author's own life for a change instead of just reading a straight forward novel. Through the novel we can understand her beliefs and comprehend her opinions. In answering the question ‘ how successful is the author in articulating the themes of the time into the novel?' I would say very successful. With fascism, the Bloomsbury set, and Sparks own experiences we see a vast array of political issues, questioning of society and an insight into the authors past. We could call this a political novel, but in a curious way.

Beneficence vs. Non-maleficence

Beneficence vs. Non-maleficence Beneficence and Non-maleficence are two interrelated concepts which consist of bringing no harm to others. Although the two are interrelated, there is a big difference between the two. Beneficence refers to the act of helping others whereas non-maleficence refers to not doing any harm. Therefore, the main difference between the two is that beneficence asks that you help others while non-maleficence asks that you do no harm to others to begin with. When you combine both concepts, the main point is that you must act selflessly in a way that will help the other individual and you must not act on your own beliefs. As mentioned before, beneficence refers to the actions that help others. In other words, these actions are done for the benefit of others. According to the UCSF school of medicine, â€Å"beneficence is an action that is done for the benefit of others. Beneficent actions can be taken to help prevent or remove harm or to simply improve the situations of others† (Pantilat, 2008). The UCSF school of medicine also provides clinical applications in which they mention how physicians are â€Å"expected to refrain from causing harm, but they also have an obligation to help their patients† (Pantilat, 2008). It certainly seems confusing considering the fact that sometimes in order to provide care, patients can experience harm. UCSF also mentions that there is a difference between obligatory and ideal beneficence. UCSF mentions that there is a common confusion between ideal beneficence and obligatory beneficence. According to the UCSF school of medicine, â€Å"Ideal beneficence co mpromises extreme acts of generosity or attempts to benefit others on all possible occasions† (Pantilat, 2008). According to the UCSF, â€Å"physicians are not necessarily expected to live up to this broad definition of beneficence,† however they most certainly are required to promote the welfare of patients no matter what (Pantilat, 2008). Because of the knowledge that physicians possess, they are obligated to prevent and remove harm and â€Å"weigh and balance possible benefits against possible risk of an action† (Pantilat, 2008). Not only this but the UCSF expands on the definition of beneficence by saying this can also include â€Å"protecting and defending the rights of others, rescuing persons who are in danger, and helping individuals with disabilities† (Pantilat, 2008). The following are a few examples the UCSF provides in regard to beneficence: â€Å"resuscitating a drowning victim, providing vaccinations for the general population, or helping someone quit smoking† (Pantilat, 2008). Non-maleficence as defined earlier basically states that you must do no harm no matter what and refrain from providing â€Å"ineffective treatment or acting with malice toward patients† (Pantilat, 2008). UCSF makes a point to say that this principle offers little useful guidance because many times therapies or treatment provided by physicians can also have serious risks or consequences (Pantilat, 2008)). According to the UCSF, â€Å"physicians should not provide ineffective treatments to patients as these offer risk with no possibility of benefit and thus have a change of harming patients† (Pantilat, 2008). The school of medicine continues to say that, â€Å"In addition, physicians must not do anything that would purposely harm patients without the action being balanced by proportional benefit† (Pantilat, 2008). The reason UCSF says this is because they believe that many procedures and interventions can cause harm in relation to benefits and therefore, the physician must make sure to inform the patient of all risks prior to any procedures. And ultimately, the physician should not pressure the patient into having any procedure done and should solely allow the patient to decide based on the proper information provided to him or her. An example of non-maleficence is stopping any medication that is shown to be harmful or refusing to provide treatment to a patient which has not been proven to be effective in trials. Another example of non-maleficence is not encouraging someone to smoke when you know how harmful it can be.

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Answer the questions one by one - Case Study Example Terror organizations continuously take advantage of globalization to propagate their radical ideology and coordinate global attacks. However, there is room for the world to seek long-lasting political and social problems that come with a global civil society. I argue that (Kaldor 561) is not overestimating the power and effectiveness of society on a global scale. A group can change the world in a minute. The events of September 11 2001 clearly show that a misguided group can bring horror and grieve to the world in almost an instant. In the wake of the terrorist attacks on the twin towers, the whole world had one resolve not to let terror have a place in the world. Governments across the world increased spending on defense and there was increased intelligence sharing on terrorism between governments. Civil rights groups sparked the Arab Spring, which substantially changed the political landscape of many Arab nations. I argue that any society or group of people has the power and effectiveness to influence the whole world. The civil society is the non-state actors. Those groups, which influence the decisions of the government of the day behind the scenes, constitute the civil society. A terror organization like al-Qaeda is part of the civil society. In addition, the World Communist of the 20th Century, transnational corporations, and transnational financial elites are also part of the civil society. The decisions made by such groups shaped and continue shaping the world in its political and social setup. I argue that the influence on any political or social decision made by the government that is not from the state actors comes from the civil society. The right world is one with a new, stable financial system. The Western-based financial system in its current form is a bubble that can burst anytime. I advocate a financial system that guarantees equal growth and development of all nations of the world. The new financial system should not

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Pollution & the Environment - Essay Example Water may be polluted when pollutants come from point or non-point sources. Non-point sources include those sources that are non-discrete or that do not originate from one discrete source. Non-point pollution arises from the cumulative effect of contaminating agents in little quantities over a large area. When nitrogen compounds found in fertilizers, herbicides, pesticides and other agricultural products leach out, it can easily cause pollution. Sheet flow over land used for agriculture may lead to pollution of water as the nutrients that were present in soil runoff in storm water. Point sources of pollution are those sources that come from discrete sources. For example, when a manufacturing company discharges hot water from its cooling system into a river, lake or other water body making the water body to become warm, pollution occurs from a point source. There are a wide range of agents that may cause water pollution. Some of these pollutants include pathogens, chemicals, and physical changes to the natural characteristics of water. While some minerals naturally occur in water, when their concentration in the water goes beyond the natural limit, the water is considered to be contaminated. Also, when substances that cause oxygen to be depleted in water such as man-made chemicals, grass and leaves, water pollution occurs. Pathogens or disease causing organisms such as Salmonella, Giardia lamblia, Burkholderia pseudomallei, and Cryptosporidium parvum may get into the water when waster water or sewage is not adequately treated (Tennessee Department of Environment and Conservatio, 2002). Chemical contaminants of water may include detergents, petroleum hydrocarbons, volatile organic compounds (VOCs), products used for disinfection and waste from tree logging operations. Inorganic water pollutants include sulphur dioxide that is

Bias and Heuristics Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

Bias and Heuristics - Essay Example In the scenario presented, the supervisor clearly demonstrates bias when he uttered his statements regarding the Volvo and its unreliability. To be more specific, the supervisor's heuristic or bias was the availability bias or error. According to the Wikipedia Encyclopedia, the availability bias is described as, "The distortion of one's perceptions of reality due to the tendency to remember one alternative outcome of a situation much more easily than another." (2006) Furthermore, one's judgment about the relative frequency of an event often depends upon the availability or accessibility of objects or events in the processes of perception, memory or construction in the imagination In the case of the supervisor, he only recalled the bad experience of his brother-in-law. He failed to take into account the experiences of the larger group of people who may have had experiences different from that of his brother-in-law. The reaction of the supervisor also demonstrates another bias. In particular, this is the base rate neglect bias. The base rate neglect, otherwise known as the base rate fallacy, explains how humans, in making inferences about probability, often tend to ignore the background frequencies. (Garns, 1997) In the case of the supervisor, this was clearly demonstrated because he failed to take into consideration the various reviews that were presented to him. He instead focused on one occurrence of the failure of a Volvo car. By doing so, the supervisor neglected the numerous data that supports the good performance of Volvo cars. He was influenced by the base rate neglect which led him to react in the way that he did. With further research suggesting that the initial recommendations regarding the superiority and reliability of the Volvo, one will one be led to deciding that the Volvo should be the car to buy. In making decisions, it is imperative that biases or heuristics are avoided as much as possible. Decision-makers must at all times remain as objective and logical as possible. Biases and heuristics affect the way people view situations and choices. In certain cases, heuristics simplify the decision-making process by making the situation appear simpler. However, there are cases when heuristics, when viewed in the wrong way, may lead erroneous judgments or decisions. With additional information supporting the earlier claim that the Volvo is the better choice, the main heuristic that one must employ is the representativeness heuristic. According to Garns, "An event is judged to be probable to the extent that it represents the essential features of the parent population or of its generating process." In other words, what this means is that a certain sample of the population has the essential features in order for it to be judged as representative of the entire population. In this case, the information gathered through further research may be used to judge the entire population of Volvo cars. Using such a sample as basis for judgment, one can conclude that Volvo cars are indeed reliable and mechanically superior over other brands. Knowing that the supervisor is insensitive to the base rate and judges based on available information, one possible course of action that maybe taken in order to convince him to agree to the purchase of Volvo cars is to present him with all substantial information. It is essential that the available information that the supervis

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Compensation (Human Resources) - Essay Example Incentive plans normally endow with compensation foundation on a formula, on accomplishment of concert objectives, on an unrestricted decision, or an amalgamation of these. An organization internally could be measured adjacent to the individual performance. These plans consist of stock-based strategy, which put forward stock options based on stock performance or finance policy, which suggest cash booty joined to congregate objectives. These plans recompense performance with the time period of 2 to 5 years. The key similarity among the Apple Inc and the Microsoft is in the efficient potential by both the company sales. Good sales incentives are provided to the employees in both the organization and the bonus provided by both the companies are depended on the profitability of the company. The company insists in the working hours for making it a success in the market. The differences in the company are in terms of the payment structure. The basic payment provided by Microsoft are high compared to that of apple inc† Microsoft is reportedly trying to hire away Apples retail employees by bribing them with... wait for it, better wages. People that have spoken to The Loop on condition of anonymity confirm that Microsoft has contacted a number of Apples retail store managers to work in their stores. In addition to "significant raises," the managers have also been offered moving expenses in some cases.† (Microsoft reportedly poaching apple retail staff, 2009). The dissimilarity in the strategies of the companies occurs due to certain reasons. The main idea in the planning of the strategy is based on the efficiency in the company’s operations, productivity and profitability. Various reasons are there in expecting the positive relationship in the organization. The level of the executive employees also plays a vital role in the organization size and the positioning of the strategy. The different contingency approaches

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Arab Family and Customs - Essay Example The ethnic identity of any group is usually subject to the convergence of two key factors that are the immigrant culture and the host culture. There exists a scramble for dominion between the two factors irrespective of what the ethnic affiliation might be. Eventually, these two factors accommodate each other and a compromise where both cultures find space becomes evident. The interaction between the host and immigrant cultures dictates the characteristics of the ethnic identity (Zogby 77). The Arab-American identity becomes built on an intricate weave of both the immigrant Middle East culture and the American culture leading to a unique situation for the second generation of Arab-Americans. A dialectic relationship between the host and immigrant features result in a dynamic culture that has both American and Arabic elements. Whereas the intertwined culture cannot be equated, the immigrant culture is more often than not the more influential of the two. Focus group studies carried out in Dearborn, Michigan, which hosts the largest population of Arab Muslims in the United States, shed light on the identity taken by the studied lot and the reasons behind the identities taken. Since the two cultures are diverse and different on so many levels, the only way to forge forward is to adapt to the new foreign way of life keeping principal elements of your Arabic heritage (Zogby 65). Gender and religion emerged as vital elements of the Arab identity. An Arab has to be of a certain religion with vast differences in what becomes expected of the various genders. Gender is especially a thorn in the flesh of many Arab Americans who become somewhat confused by how the respective immigrant and host cultures view gender. Whereas the host culture boasts a sense of equality between the genders, the immigrant culture faithfully subscribes to the opposite view

“The Death and the Maiden” D. 810 by Franz Schubert Essay Example for Free

â€Å"The Death and the Maiden† D. 810 by Franz Schubert Essay Franz Peter Schubert was born on the 31st of January 1797 in Lichtental, Austria which is near Vienna. He has fifteen brothers and sisters, but only five of them live to see their first birthday. The father, Franz Teodor is the Principal in a local school. The mother, Elizabeth Viets was a cook in a Viennese family. When Franz Schubert was just five-year-old he started playing the violin and his teacher was his own father. Three years later, Michael Holzer, who was the parish priest in the town, started to teach the eight-year-old composer how to play the organ. Franz Schubert composed his first piece at the age of just ten. In 1808, he started singing in the courtier choir. Not only he was a soloist in the choir but did he play in the section of second violins in the orchestra. This way, he came to know the music of Joseph Haydn and Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart. At this time, Shubert was taught by Antonio Salieri. After graduating from a teaching seminary in 1814, Schubert worked as a teacher alongside his father until 1818. The three year period between 1818 and 1821 is probably the toughest test in the composer’s life. Shubert was trying to earn enough giving private lessons but the money was really insufficient. He was not able to find a full-time job either, so he had to live with some of his friends – other composers and poets. In 1818 and 1820 as a musical teacher of count Esterhazy’s daughters, the young composer had the chance to visit Hungary. Schubert learnt a lot about the Hungarian national music and the Gypsy music during these visits. Suddenly and unexpectedly, his songs become very popular in Hungary and Austria after 1821 when he managed to publish some of his works with his friends’ help. Franz Schubert is the composer of some of the greatest classical master pieces ever written such as â€Å"The Unfinished Symphony† No. 8 D 759, the piano quintet â€Å"The Trout† D. 667, the string quartet â€Å"The Death and the Maiden† D 810 and of course his more than 600 songs. Schubert is also the pioneer of the song cycle genre, composing pieces such as Die Winterreise D.911, and Die Schone Mullerin D. 795. The composer died on November the 19th 1928 in Vienna. This essay has been prepared to examine several different aspects of Franz Schubert’s chamber music by mainly giving examples from the string quartet â€Å"Death and the Maiden† D. 810 and the song â€Å"Der Tod und Das Madchen† D. 531. Analyses and connection between the poem â€Å"Der Tod und Das Madchen† by Matthias Claudius, the song and the string quartet â€Å"The Death and the Maiden† by Franz Schubert will also be included. Also, the extent to which Schubert has taken the vocal melody and made it idiomatic for the string instruments will be explored. Most of the Schubert’s songs are really connected with poetry. He used to work with poets such as Goethe and Schiller, who had a huge impact onto the composer’s works. Christoph Wolff suggests that the things which Shubert mostly liked in the Matthias Claudius’ poems were the purity and simplicity of the poetic language. (Bandura-Skoda, Branscombe, 1982, 144). The song â€Å"The Death and The Maiden† D. 531, which was composed by Franz Schubert in 1815 is based on the poem â€Å"Der Tod und Das Madchen† by Matthias Claudius which was written in 1775. The poem consists of two stanzas as example one shows. Das MadchenDer Tod: Voruber! Ach, voruber!Gib deine Hand, du schon und zart Gebild! Geh, wilder Knochenmann!Bin Freund, und komme nicht, zu strafen. Ich bin noch jung! Geh lieber,Sei gutes Muts! Ich bin nicht wild, Und ruhre mich nicht an.Sollst sanft in meinen Armen schalfen! The Maiden: Death: Pass me by! Oh, pass me by! Give me your hand, you beautiful and tender form! Go, fierce man of bones! I am a friend, and come no to punish. I am still young! Go, rather, Be of good cheer! I am not fierce, And do not touch me. Softly shall you sleep in my arms! Example 1 – The poem â€Å"Der Tod und Das Madchen†. It is clear to see that the poem is in a form of a dialog between â€Å"The Maiden† and â€Å"The Death†. A key feature in the first stanza is the short sentences, ending with an exclamation mark. This shows that the girl is frightened and afraid of â€Å"The Death†. On the other hand, â€Å"The Death† in the second stanza is meant to be scary and dangerous, but instead of that it sounds harmless and even makes a compliment in the opening words: â€Å"Give me your hand, you beautiful and tender form†. Anyhow, there is an interesting fact about the title of the poem â€Å"Der Tod und Das Madchen†, therefore the names of the song and the string quartet by Schubert â€Å"The Death and The Maiden†, which is the reverse order of the two stanzas compare with the title which shows the serious presence of Death even before the opening words. The song â€Å"The Death and The Maiden† D. 531 by Schubert is logically as contrasting as the poem which it is based on. The opening eight bars of the song are just an introduction to the following piece. From bar nine onwards, Schubert uses very smart resources to establish the scary and anxiety atmosphere such as chromatism and quicker metric rhythm, as it can be seen on example two. Example 2 – the song â€Å"The Death and The Maiden† D. 531 It can be said that the Maiden is giving up resisting the Death between bars sixteen and twenty-one and there are few evidence supporting this idea. Firstly, the vocal line is going downwards which is a sign of humility. Secondly, the metric rhythm in these six bars is calm and uninterested, exactly as it was in the very opening of the song. Lastly, the fermata in bar twenty-one could be the final clue that the Maiden is already given up fighting. After this really dramatic moment for the listener, Schubert introduces the second character in the piece – â€Å"The Death†. (Bandura-Skoda, Branscombe, 1982, 152) The composer sets the tempo of the introduction as a tempo for the second part of the song. There is a little dynamic detail, however really important. The dynamic in the first part of the song (the part of â€Å"The Maiden†) is p while in the second part (the part of â€Å"The Death†) is pp. By using this technique, Shubert makes the lyrics of â€Å"the Death† sound even more shocking. The opening words in the second stanza are so important that the composer keeps the vocal line on the tonic of D minor for nearly six whole bars. The words: â€Å"Gieb deine Hand, du schon und zart Gebuild!†, which translates as follows: â€Å"Give me your hand, you beautiful and tender form!† are accompanied by quite a simple harmony pattern. Schubert uses the tonic of the D minor in the first bar of the second part of the song and then the sub-dominant is used in the second bar which develops into its first inversion in the following bar. The composer goes back to the tonic in the fourth bar, but just to set a much more interesting harmonic pattern for the second verse of the stanza: â€Å"Bin Freud, und komme ni cht, zu strafen†, which means: â€Å"I am a friend, and come not to punish†. In the fifth bar of the second part of the song the chord being used is the first inversion of the supertonic seventh which changes to the second inversion of the same chord in the first part of the following bar. However, the chord used in the second part of the bar in question, which is bar six of the second part of the song, is the seventh of the sub-dominant. The composer uses bar seven for a transition to the new key of F major, which is established in the eighth bar. The harmony is being changed from sub-dominant to the tonic of F major and back to the first inversion of the sub-dominant in the frames of the next bar. During the next two bars – ten and eleven, the tonic – sub-dominant movement in F major continues. â€Å"The Death† ends with the words: â€Å"Sollst Sanft in Meinen Armen Schafen† which translates as: â€Å"Softly shall you sleep in my arms†. Schubert goes back to D minor in this last passage; also, the composer uses the â€Å"French† augmented 6th for the word â€Å"Schlafen†. This chord seems to be the perfect one to finish the idea of â€Å"the Death† with, as it sounds unsure, uncomfortable and probably harmless. Immediately after that, in the last seven bars, Schubert unexpectedly uses D major, as if to show the public that â€Å"the Death† has no bad intentions. These harmonic patterns and the lack of melody movement in the second stanza can only characterize â€Å"the Death† voice as supernatural and really contrasting to the active voice part in the first stanza. (Bandura-Skoda, Branscombe, 1982, 153) As already said above, the song is based on the poem, which is the reason for some absolutely striking similarities between the two of them. For example, Schubert clearly differentiates the two stanzas and the two dialogue partners by various terms such as the dynamics and declamatory gestures. The piano dynamic, crescendo and diminuendo in the first part of the song correspond to the short and disjunct phrases in â€Å"the Maiden† part of the poem. Likewise, the pianissimo dynamic in the second part of the song is in harmony with the long and conjunct phrases in â€Å"the Death† part of the poem (Bandura-Skoda, Branscombe, 1982, 150). However, an interesting fact is that Schubert does not use two different voices for the two stanzas. This perhaps was his way of making the dramatic dialogue between â€Å"the Maiden† and â€Å"the Death† even more effective. In fact, Schubert uses a material which was previously written by him quite often. For example, the famous piano quintet in A major D. 667 is based on the song â€Å"the Trout† D. 550. Similarly, â€Å"the Wanderer† D. 493 supplies with material the C major fantasy D. 760. As it was already mentioned above, the String Quartet D. 810 â€Å"The Death and the Maiden† is based on the song D. 531. More precisely, the second movement of the string quartet, which consists of one main theme and five variations, is completely based on that song. The main theme can be divided into three parts: A, B and C. Example 3 – Comparison of the first eight bars of the second movement of the string quartet (above) and the song (below) The A section, which is shown on example three above, is almost directly taken from the song. Afterwards, between bars nine and sixteen, which is section B, the music is getting livelier and vivid, just to correspond perfectly to â€Å"the Maiden’s† feelings. The C section of the main theme, between bars seventeen and twenty-four, is again calm exactly as â€Å"the Death† in the Claudius’s poem is. The first twenty-four bars are probably the most beautiful and angelic, yet incredibly simple, in the Romantic era. However, the simplicity of the whole passage is what makes it so genuine. For example, the note G is repeated thirteen times between bars seventeen and twenty-four in the part of the first violin, while the note B is repeated fourteen times in the viola part. Anyhow, the feature which makes these bars sound so perfect is t he harmony pattern which is shown on example four. Example 4 – Harmonic analysis of bars seventeen to twenty four of the second movement of the string quartet The first variation starts in bar twenty-five. Basically, the harmony pattern is the same to the one in the original theme. This time, however, the second violin and the viola provide the harmony which was previously played by the whole quartet. The inner-voices sustain the key feature in this variation in triplets throughout. The cello is providing the foundation of the whole passage by playing strong quaver pizzicato notes. The first violin part is really interesting in this variation, because it has very much a supporting role, something unusual, especially at the beginning of a piece. The notes played are part of the chord played by the rest of the group. This first of five variations is somehow more tensed and emotional compare to the original theme in the movement. This is probably to underline â€Å"the Maiden† fright when she tries to escape â€Å"the Death† at the beginning of the poem. In the second variation, there is a lead singing part – the cello. It is interesting to see how this melody corresponds to the original theme, which can be seen on example five. Example 5 – Comparison between the cello part in the 2nd variation (above) and the original theme (underneath) The second violin provides a second voice, which supports the main tune. It is a unique accompaniment because of its multitasking. The dotted quavers form the supporting voice which was mentioned above, while the semi-quavers complete the first violin and the viola accompaniment roles, as it can be seen on example six. Example 6 – The unique, multitasking second violin part in the second variation. The role of the viola throughout this variation is to provide a strong base part. Schubert achieved that with very simple but incredibly effective rhythm – quaver, quaver rest and two quavers. This pattern repeats for twenty-four bars. The first violin part has an ornamental function again, likewise in the first variation. It can be said, that the harmonic patterns remains similar to these at the beginning of the piece, however, there are simply more notes played in this variation which is the reason for the more tensed and excited feelings. The third variation is an absolute shock for the listener. It is a kind of culmination of the feelings which have been building up so far in the movement. This variation is unlike any of the rest in terms of role playing of the four instruments. The key feature in the third variation is the rhythm which is presented mainly by the second violin and the viola, while still reminiscing about the main theme with all the quavers, as example seven shows. Example 7 – Strong rhythmic second violin and viola parts, which still reminisce about the main theme. The first violin and the cello have a similar job of playing big three-part chords later on, which create additional tension in the music. There is an interesting fact that the original theme and the previous two variations finished in the key of G major. In the third one, however, all four instruments resolve to a single G note. The composer surprises the listener again with the fourth variation. Having listened to the previous really tensed and exciting variation, Schubert introduces very light and beautiful music in G major. A similarity to the main theme has been found in this variation, as shown on example eight. Example 8 – Similar material in the fourth variation and the main theme. The first violin is playing an accompanying role again in this variation, but this time, so lyrical and smooth, that it can be described as a counter-melody. The last part of this variation is in C major, which is the first significant change of tonality so far in the movement. By going back to the more relaxed music in this variation, the composer hides the return to the home key of G minor perfectly, as he prepares the listener for the end of the movement. In this final fifth variation, the second violin and the viola play a version of the main theme which has been played in the first variation, but this time much more lyrically. Schubert uses some voice exchange between the two of them as well. This time the cello part has the job of providing the base. It is a very simple ostinato movement, but again, incredibly effective for the listener as example nine shows below. Example 9 – The ostinato movement of the cello in the last variation The first violin has a very limited part. Starts off with a very long G note, just to continue with a passage, which strongly emphasizes the G minor chord as shown on example ten. Example 10 – The first violin line at the beginning of the fifth variation Of particular interest is the note of the cello in bar one-hundred and thirty which is shown on example eleven. There, the cello reaches the lowest note of the whole piece. This note is greatly emotional for the listener, because this is the point where all the tension and excitement, which has been building up throughout the movement, finally resolves. Example 11 – Bar 130, where the cello reaches the lowest note in the piece The coda of this movement starts in bar one-hundred and forty-four. Schubert uses the material from sections B and C of the original theme. This can be seen in the parts of the second violin, viola and cello while the first violin part is more variative and ornamental then any of the other instruments. It is an interesting fact, that Schubert finishes this movement the same way he finishes the song, with a restatement of the introduction but this time in a major key. Having written more than six-hundred songs, Franz Schubert has a huge contribution to the developing of this genre. His creativeness as a song composer, of course pervade some of his instrumental music as well. It is very difficult to reproduce in great detail what the composer had in mind about his vocal and instrumental works, in order to the fact that the singing techniques and the instruments some two-hundred years ago were so different to what they are nowadays. An interesting fact is the use of slurs in Schubert’s instrumental music. He is the composer who has rarely written a slur which is longer than a string player could manage. The slurs in a string player part correspond to the breaths a singer would take. This proves that even when composing pieces for a string quartet or even a symphony, Schubert uses his vocal techniques all the time. (Montgomery, 2003, 11) Unlike the classical string quartets, the Schubert’s works can be described as â€Å"genuine† according to the violinist Louis Spohr. This means that there is no one leading part, as it used to be during the Classical era, but all four parts are equally important. Therefore, the first violin should not aim to distinguish himself above the other three players by style of delivery or strength of tone. (Montgomery, 2003, pp.12-13) In conclusion, the String Quartet in D minor, D. 810 is one of the greatest chamber music pieces in the classical repertoire nowadays. After listening to such music, the genius of Franz Schubert cannot be questioned in any way. There is a striking fact that, this piece was not published while the composer was still alive. Anyhow, this essay analysed the poem â€Å"Der Tod und das Madchen† by Mathias Claudius, the song â€Å"The Death and The Maiden† D. 531 and the second movement of the string quartet D. 810 by Franz Schubert, by exploring mainly harmony patterns and instrumental voice leading. The strong link between the song and each of the variations from the second movement of the string quartet with the poem by Mathias Claudius has been explained. Schubert himself, in an often-cited letter, refers to the String Quartet in A minor, D. 804 and the D. 810 in D minor as well as the Octet D. 803, in a specific context: â€Å"†¦ I intend to pave my way towards grand symphony in that manner †¦Ã¢â‚¬  (Bandura-Skoda, 1982, 171). There can be no doubt that the D minor Quartet is really experimental and adventurous, which can easily be in the dimensions of the symphonic format in terms of cyclical form and expressive content. Bibliography: 1. Bandura-Skoda, E. Branscombe P. (eds.) (1982) ‘Schubert Studies: Problems of style and chronology’. Cambridge: University Press. pp. 1-25, 143-173, 327-347. 2. Brown, C. (2010) ‘Performing 19th- century chamber music: the yawning chasm between contemporary practice and historical evidence’. Oxford: Oxford University Press. 3. Montgomery, D. (2003) ‘Franz Schubert’s Music in Performance. Compositional Ideals, Notational Intent, Historical Realities, Pedagogical Foundations’. New York: Pedagogical Press. pp. 65-173. 4. Somervell, A. (1927) ‘Schubert: Quartet in D minor and Octet’. London: Humphrey Milford: Oxford University Press. pp. 5-30. 5. Rink, J. (ed.) (2002) ‘Musical Performance’, A Guide to Understanding. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Discography: 1. Schubert, F. String Quartets Nos. 13 and 14, â€Å"Death and the Maiden† (Alban Berg Quartet) EMI Classics, Compact disc, 0077774733359. 2. Schubert, F. String Quartet Nos. 10 and 14, â€Å"Death and the Maiden† (Britten Quartet) EMI Classics, Compact disc, 0724357327350. Music Scores: 1. Schubert, F., 1981, String Quartet in d minor: ‘Death and the Maiden’ D. 810, Eulenberg Edition, Leipzig. Music Score. 2. Schubert, F., 1989, String Quartet: ‘Death and the Maiden’ D. 810, Barrenreiter Edition, Kessel. Music Score. Web-sites: 1. Claudius, Matthias. Der Tod und das Mà ¤dchen / Death and the Maiden. Trans. Emily Ezust. The Lied and Art Song Texts Pages: Texts and Translations to Lieder (2007): http://www.recmusic.org/lieder.

Reviewing The Siemens Information And Communications Network Information Technology Essay

Reviewing The Siemens Information And Communications Network Information Technology Essay Siemens Information and Communications Network are composed of several regional development centers around the world. One of those, located in Bangalore, India, was given the tasks of developing two large scale Softwares during the 1990s. The first of those, called ADMOSS (Advanced Multifunctional Operator Service System) was designed to facilitate modern call centers with some 500 features. The second one which followed after five years was called NetManager, it had a user-friendly, and graphics based user interface and some 6,000 features regarding administration and maintenance of EWSD network-nodes and networks. Both of these projects suffered huge deadlines-slippages, faulty design (at least initially), undetected-till-last-stage errors, embarrassment with customers and miscommunications between ICNs Munich headquarter and its Bangalores development center1. The following is an attempt to analyze the issues, their causes and possible avoidances for any similar projects. By the late 1980s Munich has recognized the talented human resource available in India. It was huge, both in terms of head-counts and knowledge. It was cheap, initially available at just 20% cost of a similar German software developer, which later in decade increased to 25%. It also had unmatched performance, in personal computers programming, in which ICN has deficiency in available human resource. Most ICN developers had worked on large systems and had little to no experience of personal computers programming. In contrast, Indian programmers have grown up experimenting with earlier version of desktops and laptops and by 1990s have reached level of expertise in some areas. Capitalizing on this resource, ICN decided to have the two projects done in India, in spite of huge cultural incompatibilities, language problems, physical distance and visa issues. The first project given to Bangalore was in no way any minor thing. It was made for existing and large customers of Siemens that heavily depend on it. It might be a non-optimal decision made by Munich but being risky it also promises huge benefits at end. ADMOSS had to facilitate telemarketing interface with non-Siemens equipment and handle large conference calls for example, among its other tasks. No surprise that at peak, 150 software developers were working on ADMOSS in Bangalore alone, in addition of local and German managers, testers and other supporting staff. The project was managed centrally by Munich, sending specifications for each of the subsystem to a high managerial level in Bangalore. This decision of central management was made perhaps due to initial distrust by Germans on Indians as it was their first encounter with them. In India, each subsystem was managed by a German or Indian manager who works with little co-ordination with each other. Once a subsystem is developed and tested locally is sent to Munich where it is integrated with the rest of the system. This method, though gave high power to Munich and enforced strict quality control has a design flaw, a programmer might be expert and identify flaw in the subsystem he has worked on, but cannot easily identify any integration errors. This method would have worked if Munich had a good size of its own programmers who tackle all the integration errors. The matters became more complicated due to the fact that the requirements of the software were not totally finalized at the start. While programmers are accustomed to run-time wishes made by clients given after the development has started and try their best to accommodate that, in large systems such as ADMOSS which also requires very large scale of precision (99.999% or five nines) its very hard to accommodate that once a system is already in development. While the project was being developed, a ray of emails and faxes kept coming with change requests resulting in inevitable design flaws and test failures. Later on, the developers had to work long hours to wrinkle out those design flaws to ultimately produce highly reliable software. If we try to find who is responsible for that, the blame comes on the marketing team in Munich that may have over-promised and was definitely not documenting and discussing every requirement with client. Some blame also goes to the client, who being a la rge corporation itself and had used software since a long time should know that run-time modifications often corrupt the project and requires heroic efforts by programmers to save the day. On one occasion, work on a billing application was stopped midstream after half a years work because of customers changing needs. Although this type of work interruption involved only 15-20 personnel at Bangalore each year, a programmer admitted to feeling de-motivated wondering about the intensity of miscommunication between Bangalore and Munich. This sometimes leads to the problem discussed later, high employee turnover, where programmers attempt to shift to those jobs where requirements are perceived as stable. Finally, there was problem of lack of sufficient attention given by high managers in Munich. In the words of a senior project manager, not all specifications were finished by our Munich office since we ourselves were not given enough time! Finally, when all two million lines of ADMOSS code was compiled together to create an integrated system, many problems surfaced. Major of them are: subsystems were found to be more interdependent on each other than desired, and, test criteria and tools were different in Bangalore and Munich. The first of these appears to be a shortcoming on part of developers in Munich who were responsible for integration of the subsystems and in a significantly smaller way on the subsystems developers in India. The second one, is definitely a management lapse made by Munich headquarter, the same test beds as used in Munich must be provided to Bangalore at the initial stage to ensure local error-testing and removal. That would have saved a lots of monetarily and temporal costs that the company had to finally bare. ADMOSS was finally released to the German customer at the end of 1996. As Hans Hauer, VP of Software RD put it, This was with some embarrassment because as Germans we expect delivery on time and with quality. The system turned out not to be fully stabilized and kept crashing. There were some minor problems too, like the user-interface being unprofessional, as the client commented, flashy and distracting, resembling video game interfaces, too technical style of documentation etc. When we analyze the causes of these problems a few things come up: first, the part of embarrassment due to delay is a fault of Indians but not much because at least six months efforts were lost not by any mistake of programmers but by a huge blunder made by client and sales team (discussed above). Second, the part of embarrassment due to delivery of a low quality product is fault of Munich who delivered a product not fully tested. Third, the inappropriate design of user interface is perhaps due to non-suffici ent communication about its requirements made by managers to the programmers. In absence of any stated and restricted user interface requirements, the programmers made the user interface as they liked it which of course not satisfied the customer. Fourth, Indians attempt to make documentation too technical for customer is perhaps due to language problem and cultural mismatches, which cant be blamed to any party. In spite of all of these issues, with time, the Indo-German team corrected the system faults and delivered a stable, working system to Munich. ADMOSS ended up highly popular with customers. The Bangalore site remained active with after-sales service, eventually correcting over 90% of ongoing faults. The second project given to Bangalore was called NetManager. It would be a user-friendly and graphics-based software product that would offer telecom customers a complete range of facilities for performing all operating, administration and maintenance functions on EWSD nodes and networks (e.g. integration of new telephone subscribers, billing, enable traffic studies to understand customer needs, and provide system surveillance etc among its 6,000 functions). Work at Bangalore commenced in early 1996 with an initial force of 30 programmers. The june 1998 pilot release involved some 300,000 lines of code and proved a hit at the customer test sites. Munich learned from the past project and gave Bangalore the same test-bed it was using so that developer can test the system as they develop it. By November 1999, Bangalore sent its complete NetManager Version 2 to Munich for testing. Typically Munich tested stability (or reliability) of new software installed by launching it on Friday afternoon and hoping to find no errors in the test log on Monday. NetManager Version 2, however, ran only one hour before crashing to a halt. A check of the test logs ultimately revealed a staggering 700 faults hidden at various points along some 600,000 lines of computer programming code, with 100 categorized as serious Level 1 faults. Initial trouble-shooting indicated that each fault could not simply be corrected individually, since each correction could create ripple effects across the entire system. A late November 1999 workshop in Bangalore involving managers from Munich and India tracked down the root cause of quality problems. As it turned out, the Indian group assumed, as in the case of most desktop computing applications, that the system would be shut off at night, and that it was acceptable for a desktop-based computer system to crash once a week. This assumption was further reinforced by an understanding that operation of the EWSD switch itself would not depend on NetManager. Furthermore, the Indian team underestimated system usage by an entire order of magnitude. We were ignorant! admitted an Indian programmer, we didnt think of asking what loads to test with, but Munich were also at fault for not telling us! Some of these erroneous assumptions could ultimately be traced to different work schedules. In the crucial summer months, many Germans went ahead with their several weeks-long pre-booked family vacations, often without leaving contact information, stranding the Indians. During crisis periods, Indian programmers, in contrast, typically took only personal leaves of two or three days, and worked 70-80 hours per week or even more. Balanced against this, however the ongoing high attrition rate was in Bangalore. As we analyze the issues and their causes, it is found that although the requirements were stable this time, which was a huge accomplishment on part of marketing team and upper management, it was not fully communicated to developers. This can be traced to faults of middle and lower management. As was in the user interface design of ADMOSS, since requirements were not explicitly stated the programmers made their own assumptions which (like in previous project) didnt match the requirements of the company or the customer. Another cause was often unavailability of appropriate personnel at Munich for communication because at the most crucial summer season of development they are out on long vacations. They do so often without any means of communication left. In that case, a developer would either have to wait for the person to return (which was of course unacceptable) or make his or her own assumptions to continue with the development. The solution is either to reschedule the vacations time period to some less crucial months (lets say spring) or the person keep in contact with ICN through a phone. In case of a vacation trip to very remote location where telephone is unavailable, the person should call to company as soon as he reaches a near city or village with a telephone line. This lack of professionalism on part of Germans resulted in Indians taking no annual vacations, working double hours a week than they are paid for and taking the pain of late modifications in design and code. On part of Indians, the high turnover was a very big issue. Once a developer hop to a better paying job, almost entire computer code written by him or her immediately becomes useless for sometime until some other programmer decrypt it and in some cases even rewrite it. This may have resulted in delays and design flaws when somebody try to modify an already made design in his or her own way not thought by the original designer no longer in company. In January 2000, the NetManager was finally demonstrated to the client. Lots of errors came up. They were traced down to two root causes. First, the German testers presenting the software to the client were not well-prepared. Second, the test-bed provided to Bangalore by Munich in 1996 had gone outdated by now and was not the same test-bed Munich now uses or was used in the demonstration to client. Both of these causes can be easily traced to the faults on part of Germans. The testers had no acceptable reason for unpreparedness. The high management responsible for updating Bangalore with test-bed was ignorant towards this duty. We can conclude that, having worked together for well over half a decade the cultural differences between the two countries were handled well. With time Indians understood what is expected from them and Germans spent substantial time and money training its people to decode Indian communications. A German spent 3 years in Bangalore becoming expert in South Indian English accent and understanding of local culture and hidden meanings of phrases etc. But there is a limit to what humans can accomplish, the physical distance between Munich and Bangalore remained a reality, advent of faxes, telephone calls, emails and even video calls can never substitute face-to-face communication. Two developers working together on the same computer (as in Extreme Programming2) cannot be substituted with two developers chatting on an Instant Messenger (such as hotmail or yahoo) even if through Remote Desktop Sharing they can actually view each others computer screen and run actions on it. It is also learn ed that human conflicts in most cases can only be solved with real, face-to-face communication. In absence of hyper-fast physical transportation (such as one that reduce travel time between the two cities to less than one hour) and no visa restrictions the problems faced by ICN in development of ADMOSS and NetManager are very likely to raise its ugly head time and again.